Напомняния | История, бъдеще

Politics Collective After 19 March, one of the most important dynamics of the developing popular opposition was the student youth movement. This struggle of the youth played a leading role in repelling the move towards a Putin-type autocracy by de facto abolishing elections. This movement continues to grow through the students' own efforts and initiatives, spreading step by step from one university to another and now multiplying in high schools as well. What the young people who grew up in this regime full of injustice and unfairness have in common is their rebellion against the reactionary one-man regime that promises them nothing but a medieval darkness paved with religious oppression and slavery to a disgraceful future. Although the vast majority of this broad oppositional youth dynamic is open to the left, it also includes very different ideological tendencies. Despite these differences, the unity and common struggle is opening a new door for the youth struggle, and more importantly, it is developing as a very important force for the liberation of the country from the darkness into which it has been dragged. It should be seen as the responsibility of this struggle to protect and develop the unity of this movement, which develops from the ground up with its differences and originalities. On the other hand, within the left, the usual morbid approaches to this issue do not stop showing themselves. Some of them engage in an outrageous competition based on their own narrow interests (in order to grab a small share for themselves) by resorting to all kinds of opportunism. Such movements, far from developing the unity of the youth, actually play a role in tearing it apart. On the other hand, those whose minds are muddied by identitarian and liberal waters are targeting some nationalist tendencies within the youth and calling for the formation of some kind of anti-fascist unions ‘against the youth’... Aside from such opportunist tendencies that the youth has set aside in its own united action, what needs to be done now cannot be anything else but to develop this unity, the united opposition of the youth... This must be understood as acting with a responsibility that will develop this unity and solidarity inherent in the movement that develops from the bottom, in its own words and actions... Only in this way can the unity of this movement with very different characteristics and tendencies be preserved. The roots of such a revolutionary and responsible understanding of struggle can be found in the experience of the mass struggle of DEV-GENÇ, as well as in the youth's own struggle today. While the rising struggle of the youth in the second half of the ‘60s united around the anti-imperialist and populist line of DEV-GENÇ, this movement was able to create a democratic university model based on the youth's own voice and initiative in the ’70s with the ODTÜ-ÖTK... Today, a history and a future that shines in the hands of the youth calls for the unity and solidarity of all progressive, patriotic, democratic and revolutionary youth. *** ODTÜ-DER, WHERE ÖTK FLOURISHED In the second half of the ‘70s after 12 March, the revolutionary struggle against imperialism and fascism carried out throughout the country also found an echo in universities. ODTÜ (METU) emerged as an advanced example of the struggle carried out by the revolutionary youth throughout the country. The establishment of ODTÜ-ÖTK, which emerged as a product of a revolutionary understanding of democracy, socialism and self- governance, also dates back to those days of struggle. The pioneer of the struggle for an autonomous democratic university, embodied in the Student Representative Council (ÖTK) and reflecting one of its characteristic features, was the establishment of ODTÜ-DER. After 12 March, the repressive policies that descended on the country like a nightmare affected universities the most. Before 12 March, the democratic student associations that were active before the coup were tried to be transformed into fascist associations after the coup by the government and under the supervision of the apparatus of force. No one other than three or five fascists were allowed to become members of the associations, and association meetings were held in secret corners, hidden from the students. Under these conditions, students founded ODTÜ-DER in February 1975 out of the need to protect their democratic rights, to find solutions to academic problems and to participate in the progressive struggle being carried out across the country. ODTÜ-DER did not consider the struggle for an autonomous democratic university as separate from the struggle for independence and democracy against imperialism and fascism of large sections of the country. The aim expressed in the leaflet of the foundation is indicative of this understanding: 'The establishment of an association was necessary for ODTÜ students to form a democratic pressure group in solving their own problems. ODTÜ-DER was founded specifically for this purpose and in general for the progressive, patriotic and revolutionary ODTÜ students to take the necessary place in the fight for independence and democracy of the people of Turkey." One of the aims of such an organisation and the basic principles of the understanding of organisation was to organise the broadest sections of the youth and to establish a united front of the youth. In this context, the most fundamental principle of the organisation was determined to unite all anti-imperialist, anti-fascist youth. The political content of ODTÜ-DER was determined by the principles expressed in the foundation leaflet. It is possible to see its approach to the struggle in general and the youth struggle in particular in these principles. Some of these principles are as follows: To be anti-imperialist, anti-fascist Not to work like a party or a socialist youth organisation, not to be a narrow cadre organisation, To adopt the principle of democratic centralism in management, (applying the method of criticism and self-criticism) To fight for the urgent aspirations of the youth, Oppose oppression of the peoples (anti-chauvinist, anti-militarist) Not to be detached from the people's struggle (knowing that our liberation can only be possible with the liberation of our people) To stand in solidarity with the progressive youth of the world, To determine organisational independence, but to recognise in its attitude the guidance of the revolutionary struggle of the working class, To work for the spread of the revolutionary view among the youth. During this period, ODTÜ was governed by a board of trustees appointed by the political power and a rector appointed by the board, with no say in the election of the university components. Students started to resist against these anti-democratic practices and fascist oppression. The most important success of ODTÜ-DER was its revolutionary leadership in this process. ODTÜ students declared an indefinite boycott to demand an autonomous democratic university and to defend their right to education against fascist oppression. The 6-month boycott took place with the participation of 99 % of the students. In the 6-month boycott decision, democratic methods were mobilised at every stage. Every decision was taken after discussion and voting in forums attended by thousands of students. Previously, the ideas that matured in small units were discussed in lecture halls and canteens and then decided in forums in the Devrim stadium with the participation of all students. This 6-month experience of real democracy not only resulted in achievements but also evolved into the ODTÜ-ÖTK process. *** A REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCE OF SELF-GOVERNMENT ODTÜ-ÖTK ÖTK rose on the struggle that emerged during the 6-month boycott process. The success of the boycott and the achievements of the autonomous democratic struggle led to the need for a student organisation that could meet the demands of wider student segments beyond the practice of ODTÜ-DER. In addition to the success of the boycott, the closure of ODTÜ-DER intensified this debate. On 24 November 1975, the first ÖTK elections were held. By electing the executives of the abolished ODTÜ-DER as representatives, the students sent a message to the university administration and the political power that the struggle would continue. The secret ballot and open count elections of the ÖTK were conducted in a highly democratic manner and were supervised by faculty members and students. Every student had the right to participate in the elections and to stand as a candidate. The organisational structure of ODTÜ-ÖTK consisted of 3 main organs; the executive committee consisted of 9 members and ensured the relations with the university. The council of departmental representatives, which was responsible for consultation and supervision, consisted of representatives elected from each department, a representative of the prep school and dormitory representatives, and they were elected by the students of the relevant unit. The council of representatives was the largest advisory body. It consisted of class representatives directly elected by the students, preparatory school representatives, dormitory representatives, the council of department representatives and the executive board. In addition to these governing bodies, academic, social and cultural councils were also formed. Students were represented in all areas such as the disciplinary board, dormitory management board, scholarship and aid committee, and sports committee. With this structure, students had a say and decision in all areas of life, from academic issues to social and cultural issues. All the necessary mechanisms for a democratic university were tried to be established. The biggest achievement of ODTÜ-ÖTK was the development of an understanding of democracy that aims at the self-governance of large student segments and tries to include all student segments that have control over their lives in decision-making and management processes. Apart from the administrative functioning, the ÖTK also fought against the ideological understanding that imperialism and its local collaborators tried to implant in schools. Through the academic council, the syllabus was prepared by a collective including all the components of the university by carefully analysing the syllabuses of other countries and taking into account the conditions of the country. Especially in the social sciences, a struggle was waged against bourgeois ideology through discussions in the lectures by the students themselves, through the publication of alternative articles and books to the official ideology, and through seminars. In parallel to this, courses were organised with the participation of lecturers for students who were falling behind in their studies. Another pillar of the ideological struggle was the cultural field. In this context, the ÖTK Social Clubs Society was established to carry out art and cultural activities more effectively. More than 10 clubs and societies were organised under this group. Theatre performances, concerts and panels, which went beyond the borders of ODTÜ, were the activities of this organisation. For example, the festival organised by the Art and Culture Society in 1979 became the second biggest art festival after the Istanbul Art Festival. The ideological hegemony of imperialism and its local collaborators at ODTÜ was dealt a great blow and was largely neutralised in the eyes of ODTÜ students. ‘HASAN TAN CANNOT BE RECTOR OF ODTÜ’ MC (Nationalist Front) governments appointed Hasan Tan as rector in order to suppress the rising struggle in ODTÜ and to fascise ODTÜ from above. Hasan Tan recruited fascists from outside as workers. Politicised down to the smallest unit with the ÖTK, ODTÜ started a great resistance in February 1977. After 9 months of boycott and resistance, the fascists were expelled from the school. The culture created by the students of the ÖTK mobilised other components of the university. The campaign ‘Hasan Tan cannot be the Rector of ODTÜ’ was implemented as a united action practice in which lecturers and workers were active subjects of the process as well as the students' boycott. This united action practice led to the resignation of Hasan Tan. As a result of hard-fought struggles, the university administration was forced to recognise the ÖTK. On 24 June 1978, this was confirmed in the draft regulation, which was put into effect as the rector's directive; ‘ÖTK is the most authorised organisation representing ODTÜ students’. Everything that was implemented at the university was done through lecture theatre meetings, through bulletins, and, on essential issues, through the discussion of all ODTÜ students in large forums. This functioning based on mass grassroots initiative is one of the main factors that led the ÖTK to be remembered as an experience of direct democracy beyond a democratic student movement. The most fundamental phenomenon of the ÖTK, which should be taken as an example along with its institutional structure, is a revolutionary perspective of struggle. This perspective constitutes an important example of the Revolutionary Youth (DEV-GENC), the style of struggle and organisation carried out by the Revolutionary Movement throughout the country, and the understanding of revolution and socialism revealed in the university. *** A UNION OF ACTION ORGANISATION OF THE YOUTH OF ANKARA: AYÖD After 12 March, a difficult period began especially for universities. The restrictions imposed on the universities, the pruning of the autonomy of the universities with the reactionary Law No. 1750, the handing over of university associations to a handful of fascists with the Law on Associations and the occupation of dormitories by fascists had emerged as the main negativities. The arbitrary oppression of university administrations, the tyranny of fascists and the fact that many academic problems could not be solved made it necessary for the youth to organise. In this context, the revolutionary youth had the tasks of ensuring the unity of the revolutionary action of the youth, regaining their democratic rights and freedoms and organising the spontaneous resistance tendencies that emerged among the youth in the face of fascist attacks. The first youth organisations established in line with these aims were the İYÖKD (Istanbul Higher Education and Culture Association) in Istanbul and the ADYÖD (Ankara Democratic Higher Education Association) in Ankara. These organisations were initially top-down associations due to the circumstances and had difficulties in establishing ties with broad student segments. In this sense, they suffered from a lack of mass mobilisation. Despite all their shortcomings and weaknesses, the revolutionary youth accepted ADYÖD and IYÖKD as the central mass organisations of the youth of Ankara and Istanbul. However, they organised a grassroots opposition against the narrow structure of the association management. Forums were organised in all schools in Ankara and it was decided to expand the administration. The delegates elected in these forums formed an upper forum, where new members were selected to join the association's management. However, ADYÖD and İYÖKD did not last long. They were dissolved by the martial law. The closure of these associations created a vacuum in terms of youth organisation. The youth rolled up their sleeves to establish a new organisation. In this sense, the foundation of AYÖD is an example of how a youth organisation should be. This new association had to be organised in a way that would overcome the weaknesses arising from the top-down way in which AYÖD had been established, and that would include a broad student mass. The foundation work started rapidly. Forums were organised in all universities and colleges in Ankara in which every anti-imperialist, anti-fascist youth could participate. In these forums, wide discussions were held on the problems and organisation of the youth. It was decided to elect three representatives from each faculty for the supreme forum to be organised to determine the founding principles of the forums. The founders' assembly was elected to carry out the founding work of the association within the framework of the principles determined by the upper forum. AYÖD acted with the principle of organising down to the smallest units of the university throughout its establishment and functioning. All the work was carried out on the basis of transparent discussions with the participation of the widest youth segments, reaching to the finest points. In all the work carried out by AYÖD after its foundation, the grassroots initiative and democracy of the students were made effective. Every decision taken was first discussed to the fullest within the broad masses of youth, submitted for approval in school forums, and the decisions were implemented with this principle. As many people as possible took part in the realisation of the accepted decisions. In this sense, AYÖD was one of the firsts in terms of being an organisation embraced by wide sections of youth with its understanding of democracy and struggle. The work carried out by the youth in higher education associations would make a qualitative leap after a while. The students' demand for life safety and freedom of education and their struggle against fascist attacks made a central organisation a necessity. In this framework, the Federation of Revolutionary Youth Associations (DEV-GENÇ) was established as the youth's self-organisation with the claim of ensuring the unity of the youth's revolutionary action in the youth's struggle against fascism with the merger of AYÖD, İYÖD and EYÖD, Ankara, Istanbul and Erzurum Higher Education Associations. The type of organisation and understanding of democracy that the revolutionary youth had implemented in the higher education associations was also adopted by DEV-GENÇ. *** BÜLENT FORTA: ‘ÖTK WAS AN EXPERIENCE OF POWER AT ODTÜ’ Excerpted from Bülent Forta - ODTÜ Tarih Direniyor. THE EFFECTS OF 12 MARCH CONTINUE The effects of 12 March had not yet been erased from the university. It had not been erased in two senses. Both the gun holes of the 5 March clashes were still on the walls of the dormitories, and 1974 reflected an environment where there was a very serious state and police control and people only spoke to each other in whispers. We perceived ourselves as DEV-GENÇ members, but we did not know what DEV-GENÇ was. In the first months of our entrance to ODTÜ, we faced serious pressure. It was an interim period in which those who did not organise their rooms in the dormitory were expelled from the school, and any gathering was immediately reported to the administration. In November 1974, on the day we were going to organise a boycott against Kissinger's visit to Turkey, we faced a raid by the nationalists coming from outside, they attacked the students with stones, sticks, pistols and dynamite. It was something we had encountered for the first time in our lives. The Kissinger raid and what happened during that period played a dual role for the ODTÜ struggle. On the one hand, it led to a mobilisation among the 2nd-3rd graders who had experienced the oppression of 12 March while they were students at ODTÜ. On the other hand, it created a great reaction in the new generation coming to ODTÜ, and this reaction formed the core of the later ODTÜ struggle. ODTÜ in 1974-1976 was indeed an interesting environment of political experimentation. This generation of youth made their own political choices between political movements that had historically preceded them, such as THKO, THKP-C, TİP, TKP. They also had to create the group they preferred that day. One of the most fundamental points of magic in the growth of DEV-GENÇ and later the Revolutionary Path (Devrimci Yol) movement is that by rejecting artificial methods, a revolutionary struggle waged in real life has shown the ability to establish its own cadres and relations. In other words, it is its development as a political movement that is born in a kind of praxis, that takes action, and that takes on a new form with the consciousness created by action. IDEOLOGICAL ENLIGHTENMENT AT ODTÜ 1975-76 was a period in which the most fundamental ideological problems of the Turkish left were discussed with the largest groups of people at ODTÜ. In ODTÜ, 1975-76 was indeed a period of ideological enlightenment. The fact that the Revolutionary Youth (later Devrimci Yol) became the most mass group at ODTÜ in that period and was elected with the highest number of votes in the elections of that day, is partly due to the fact that it always emerged victorious from these ideological debates. FASCIST ATTACKS SPREAD After 1976, the fascist occupation of the schools and the students' mass visits to the schools and armed clashes played a role in changing the content and characteristic of the student youth movements. In those days, the Revolutionary Youth magazine came out with the headline ‘to the forefront of the rising popular action’. The practical meaning of this was that cadres who had emerged within the revolutionary youth movement assumed an effective role in popular actions. WHAT MADE ODTÜ The 9-month boycott emerged as a reaction to the withdrawal of the gains made with ODTÜ-DER and ÖTK together with Hasan Tan and in general to the policies of the MCs (Nationalist Front governments) in Turkey to take over and fascise all education. The 9-month boycott had all its forms of action and the cores of its organisational styles from the 6-month boycott. The 6-month boycott also emerged as an experience in which ODTÜ students went from door to door, explaining their own struggles and carrying the characteristics of being able to take action together; they came up with a lot of creative actions that people still resort to today, such as birding (kuşlama), throwing banners on electricity poles; they were able to create a kind of revolutionary youth and revolutionary student perspective. ODTÜ is made of the accumulations of the revolutionary struggle in one aspect and the self-confidence gained through the experiences that the struggle in ODTÜ has added to the revolutionary movement in another aspect. It is not possible to separate the mentality that founded ODTÜ-ÖTK from the workplace committees in Yeni Çeltek and the experience of revolutionary municipalism in Fatsa. These are manifestations of the same revolutionary perspective in various fields. After the 6-month boycott and the birth of ODTÜ-ÖTK, it is worth underlining a few things. Firstly, there is no clear dividing line between the revolutionary students of ODTÜ and the general student mass. ODTÜ revolutionaries were able to position themselves as the natural leaders of that youth movement. Secondly, the youth struggle at ODTÜ did not limit itself to a youth struggle, they were able to see themselves as part of a general revolutionary struggle, from helping the Van earthquake to working in all slum areas. Thirdly, they were able to act not only as a revolutionary limited to the campus, but also as a part of the struggle of the entire youth mass of that day against the fascist occupations. THEORETICAL DETERMINATIONS WERE A KIND OF ILLUMINATION OF POLITICAL PRACTICE The revolutionary practice at the university was moulded by a certain mentality. It is possible to think that the fate of the left in Turkey would have been different if the perspective aiming to create a revolutionary line unique to Turkey, apart from the templating line, had been able to dominate the entire left in Turkey. When we were organising a line of resistance against the civil fascists that day, we were making a statement and saying, ‘This is a phenomenon organised by the state.’ Others said, ‘There is a civil fascist movement outside the state and it is escalating, and we are against it.’ However, years later, the Susurluk incident revealed that while we were fighting against the MHP and the nationalist fascists, there were also MIT-contra-guerrilla linked Abdullah Çatlı and Haluk Kırcı among them, and that we were actually fighting the state. Therefore, all the theoretical determinations were also a kind of illumination of the political practice carried out. ÖTK LAW The formation of the ODTÜ-ÖTK administration was never shaped as a coalition of groups. In the elections, which were held by means and methods such as open elections, confidential voting and open propaganda, everyone had the power of representation equal to their weight. Discussions such as the organisation of the ÖTK, the position of the council there, the statute, the balancing of revolutionism and elections in the statute were at a higher level in terms of political science than today's constitutional debates. This was done by young people aged 20-25. This was a kind of experience of power, in fact, a law had been established. Note: This text has been translated from the original Turkish version titled Hatırlatmalar | Bir tarih bir gelecek, published in BirGün newspaper on April 20, 2025.